Sumanto Al Qurtuby (Jakarta Globe)
Every time the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
re-emerges on the stage of global politics, Muslim groups in predominantly Muslim-populated
countries like Indonesia, but also in the West, the United States included,
organise events — from small gatherings in mosques or Islamic centres to
large-scale fundraisers.
Some mobilise the masses to condemn Jews or
Israelis (and usually also the Americans, seen as masterminds behind the
conflict). Others urge international agencies, including the United Nations, to
help resolve the seemingly endless clash between Arabs and Jews.
On many websites, furthermore, Muslims post
pictures of Palestinian victims and “Israeli savagery,” neglecting casualties
on the part of Israel. Many Muslims, moreover, continue to solely blame Israel
for the bloodshed, while ignoring violent acts committed by Hamas.
Such “global Muslim solidarity” also occurred when
Rohingya in Myanmar and Moros in Mindanao (Southern Philippines), among others,
were marginalised and persecuted by non-Muslim regimes.
Certainly, there is nothing wrong with such
solidarity. Each people and religious grouping has the right to select those it
wants to assist or endorse.
And urgent appeals are indeed needed to help and
support — intellectually, politically and financially — the victims of violence
and the oppressed worldwide, including the Palestinians, Moros and Rohingya,
who the UN describes as among the most persecuted people in the world, with
over 80,000 now without shelter and protection from the recent violence in
Myanmar.
Notwithstanding Muslims’ notable assistance
benefiting their “imagined” religious brethren, one question remains
unanswered: why do they so passionately support the Muslim casualties, and not,
for instance, Jewish victims?
Instead of Hamas, why do Muslims solely blame
Israelis for the aggression and brutality? Why does such “religious
solidarity,” or whatever one calls it, only occur when Muslims have been the
object of oppression of non-Muslim groups such as those of Palestine (by Jews),
Mindanao (Catholics), Myanmar or Southern Thailand (Buddhists), India (Hindus)
and Bosnia (Orthodox Serbs)?
Importantly, why doesn’t such similar Islamic
solidarity come into view when Muslim communities have been the targets of
persecution and injustice by Muslim regimes? Examples abound, like the case of
the Kurds (in Turkey, Iraq, Syria), Darfur (Sudan), Shiites (Saudi Arabia,
Afghanistan, Pakistan), Sunnis (Iran), Ahmadis (Pakistan and Indonesia),
etcetera.
Despite the fact that Islam and the Quran oblige
Muslims to reach out to those in need, regardless of their ethno-religious
backgrounds, why do most Muslims choose silence when confronted with Muslim
extremists and dictatorial rulers maltreating and discriminating against
ethno-religious minorities in, to name just a few examples, Egypt, Bangladesh
and Iran?
It is obvious that for some Muslim groups the
primary question is not “who are the victims?” but rather “who are the
perpetrators?”
It is more about “the oppressors” rather than “the
oppressed.”
Romanticising and using double standards, some call
for “global Islamic solidarity” simply because the persecution of Muslims is
committed by non-Muslims or actors they mistakenly dub “infidels”
(kuffar).
Such “exclusivist religious solidarity” misreads
the historical dynamics and socio-political backgrounds of inter-group
conflicts, overlooks the facts of inter-religious coalitions for global peace
and reconciliation, misunderstands the diversity of societies, and reveals the
opportunism of extremists and conservative Muslim political leaders who draw
populist support by blaming non-Muslims.
It is worth noting that, according to Israel’s
Central Bureau of Statistics, Arabs (mostly Muslim) make up some 20.4 percent
of its population, and these people mostly identify themselves as Arab by
nationality and Israeli by citizenship. It is not surprising then that there
are Israeli Arabs (or Arab Israelis) who serve in the Israel Defence
Forces.
Moreover, there is also a sizable non-Muslim
minority in the Palestinian territories, including Druze, Samaritan and
Christians from various denominations. In fact, Palestine is the birthplace of
Christianity. The conversion process to Islam began in the seventh century when
Muslims captured Palestine. Studies also illustrate that a majority of the
Palestinian Muslims are offspring of Christians, Jews and other earlier
dwellers of the southern Levant.
But apart from this, there are more facts
contributing to the complexity of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including
Jewish opposition against Israeli authorities. There are many anti-Zionist and
pro-Palestinian Jews and organisations worldwide, including rabbis, activists,
and academics, as discussed in David Landy’s illuminating 2011 book “Jewish
Identity and Palestinian Rights: Diaspora Jewish Opposition to Israel.” An
Irish-Jewish academic and former chair of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity
Campaign, Landy himself has an activist background.
Moreover, despite the support of some “right-wing”
Christians, there are also Christian activists and peacemakers calling for
Palestinian liberation and who oppose Israeli policies. These include Palestinian
Archbishop Elias Chacour, who has long been working to promote reconciliation
and peace between Arabs and Israelis.
Given the historical complexity and dynamics of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it is quite inaccurate to simply dub it Muslim-Jewish
violence. Rather, it is a war between extremist factions in both Palestine and
Israel.
The global Muslim solidarity movement, thus, will
be more meaningful and successful if it uses “human solidarity” as its basis,
instead of a religious-based discourse.
Whoever suffers and is in need of support, deserves
to be given a helping hand — whatever their religious affiliation and ethnic
background. Isn’t the very fundamental teaching of Islam to be rahmatan lil
‘alamin — a blessing for all humanity? It is the job of Muslim activists to
bring this universal message down to earth. — Jakarta Globe
* Sumanto Al Qurtuby is a co-founder of the US
branch of Nahdlatul Ulama and a research fellow at the Kroc Institute for
International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame.